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The role of public art in forging hybrid 'realist-modernist' architecture and public spaces in the GDR. How do we define "modernist" in the East German context? Should scholars be pointing to the differences or the similarities with the once impenetrable fortress of Western modernism? A nuanced picture helps to identify the uniqueness and thus case for appropriate evaluation in terms of the heritage of East German architectural ensembles. In my book, Picturing Socialism, a study of public art, design and architecture in the former German Democratic Republic, 1945–1990, I make the case that 'realism', the key signifier of socialist difference in the 1950s years of National Reconstruction was never completely relinquished in the GDR. In spite of the pressures created by the shift to industrialised building, and the oft conflicting ambitions of political leaders, architects, planners, artists and designers, the 'realist' ideal of a socialist architecture, was able to continually re-invent itself. 'Realism' both as a term and as an ideal was maintained by political conservatives who sought to create a socialist architecture defined not through similarities to the West but through differences to 'capitalist' architecture. Whilst the term was not embraced by reforming theorists and practitioners who sought to be 'modern' and 'modernist', these reformers too sought to locate but largely dematerialise the socialist qualities of architecture. The dilemma of how to satisfy realist demands and modernist desires was in large part resolved through the role played by public art within a built environment, conceptualised within the discipline of design as it emerged in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The vast array of public art and design in the GDR – murals, mosaics, sculptures and other forms – maintained the requisite ideological inscription within industrially produced building ensembles. This paper sets out to demonstrate how narrative works of art, as they became absorbed within the concept of socialist 'complex environmental design' (Flierl et al), acted as a kind of ideological glue between competing visions of architecture in the 1960s and 1970s. I will argue that the 'realist' ideal remained even as narrative art was diminished and modernism lost ground to historicism in the 1980s. Together, I hope these arguments will make the case for the nomination 'realist Modernism' as defining the unique contribution made by East German art and architecture, still partially extant in the territory of the former East Germany, to architectural and design history.

The post 1990 reception of East German public art reveals a need for an official projection of public "consensus" about the communist past. This piece demonstrates how public art has been instrumentalised in this process.

The post 1990 reception of East German public art reveals a need for an official projection of public "consensus" about the communist past. This piece demonstrates how public art has been instrumentalised in this process.

This essay examines the debates around colour in East German architecture from the mid-1960s to the early 1980s. It traces the gradual relinquishing of the attempt to determine principles for the colouring of socialist architecture based on an idealised conception of socialist society as inducing "joy in life" (Lebensfreude). The relationship to pre-war avant-garde thinking is examined as problematic, but nonetheless present in the 1960s re-conceptions. In the 1970s, colour was discussed not so much as reflecting "joyfulness", but as a means of generating "pleasure" in residential areas. Colour was no longer to serve a projected abstract notion of the condition of socialism, but to relate to the everyday experiences of residents in housing estates and, indeed, to improve these experiences through the "emotional impact" of colour. In the closing phase of the GDR, residents of prefabricated architecture began to introduce their own colours to their loggias, upsetting the predefined colour schemes. By the 1980s, differentiated manifestations of colour in GDR architecture arguably reflected the societal order of the closing years of the Republic—conflicted and fragmented.

Introduction -- Part 1. Early years. Laying a strong foundation ; Pawns of politics ; Change begins with education ; Created equal ; "Ain't I a woman?" ; Dressing the part -- Part 2. Organizations. Organizing a nation ; What's old is new again ; Scandinavians for suffrage ; Votes for justice ; One of many cogs -- Part 3. Symbols. "Votes for women" ; Loyalty, purity, and life ; The war of the roses ; The spirit of 1776 ; Identity erased ; Martyr for the cause -- Part 4. Consumer culture and publicity. The modern shopper ; Posters as publicity ; All buttoned up ; A recipe for success ; Suffrage on the silver screen -- Part 5. Allies. Catching fire ; Converting to the cause ; Men for suffrage ; If you scratch my back, I'll scratch yours -- Part 6. Roadblocks and setbacks. Unrequited love ; Rampant racism ; A formidable opponent ; Courting the system ; The South -- Part 7. Tactics and public demonstrations. Read all about it! ; Suffrage with a side of soup ; On the road to victory ; Lifting as we climb ; Lobbying for the vote ; Swimming for suffrage ; Falling into line ; Jailed for freedom -- Part 8. Milestones. Winning the West ; Progressing in politics ; A move eastward ; Walking into history ; Tipping the scale ; Mother knows best -- Part 9. Legacy. Under the watchful eye ; Bridges of hope ; Taking the next step ; Going global ; Reckoning with the past. . . and future -- Appendix : Significant women's suffrage victories in the United States -- Notes.

Jenkins brings together a wide selection of cultural objects representing the milestones and legacy of the long fight for women's voting rights. Color photos and essays detailing each object's story placed readers in the action of a groundbreaking movement and transports them to the sites that are the keepers of our country's past.

Transformative social change occurred in the Chesapeake region with the intensification of oyster harvesting and the establishment of central places in estuarine settings at the outset of the Middle Woodland period (ca. A.D. 200). Accompanying the pivot toward estuarine living was the spread of shell-tempered ceramics indexing regional social networks from the Delaware Bay to the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay. Survey and excavation data from the Naval Weapons Station Yorktown (NWSY) on the York River trace this process on Virginia's lower York River. Here, Middle Woodland populations established central places around the lower embayed portions of tidal creeks. Communal shell middens anchoring these central places offer evidence of intensive oyster harvesting and a history of periodic overharvesting, adjustment, and long-term sustainability. We hypothesize that common pool resource management, i.e., collective action and stewardship in the management of the oyster fishery, was an important part of Native societies' settling down in this region.

In this commentary, we respond to Barth and colleagues and critique their premise that Western-based research with population-level administrative data is the best and only valid evidence on which to base child welfare policy and practice changes. We offer an alternative viewpoint on what forms of evidence should be brought to bear as we consider re-envisioning the child welfare system, highlighting the importance of lived experience and the need to consider the evidence regarding all marginalized racial and ethnic groups. We argue that evidence should represent the perspectives of those with lived experience and that collaborative child welfare research can strengthen the validity of analyses and interpretations. We hold that Barth et al. ask and answer the wrong questions. We press for deeper critical reflection, a more nuanced intersectional lens, and urgent action to address structural and institutional racism in the child welfare system.